The Clinton-Gore Agenda for Cuba
Editorial of La Nueva Cuba by Máximo
Copyright © 1999 La Nueva Cuba. All rights reserved.
(English version by Servando González)
It is not a problem of parties. I doesn't mind on which side
of the political spectrum we are. It doesn't matter if we are
democrats or republicans in the United states or liberals or
conservatives in any other part of the planet. When Cuba is the
issue we are always on the side of our hearts: we want a Cuba
free and independent, without blandishments or behind-the-scenes
ties. A free Cuba born out of the debate an the analysis of the
national problems by its only legitimate actors: the Cuban people,
in Cuba and abroad.
Since the beginning of his term the Clinton administration
had its own agenda for Cuba. Its implementation, however, was
a careful job requiring subtle political manipulation and some
good luck. Such a task was assigned to a "technical"
team in charge of "the Cuban affair," obviously a group
already attached to the high circles of American power. The members
of the team already had the purpose and the will to successfully
carry out its agenda. They also had the arrogance of Lords, called
to intervene in the lives and destinies of the Cubans-- a rebellious
race of "natives," sometimes uncontrollable.
These "technicians" are by nature mercilessly hostile
both to Cuban exiles and dissidents inside Cuba who oppose a
dialogue with Fidel Castro. They don't think we are intelligent
enough to discern neither the structure of their logic nor their
frequent political schemes. These "technicians" only
grant us stubbornness and passions.
The Halperins, the Feinbergs, the Sandy Bergers; all these
brainy members of the Inter American Dialogue have developed
the Clinton-Gore agenda with ingenuity and patience, but without
brilliance. Had the Cubans not been alone in their fight, they
had never constituted political adversaries of any value. Granted,
they have not faced an easy task. They have had to adjust their
agenda to the cyclical electoral needs. And that upsets them.
But the fact that a large number of Cubans live in two states
which are very important to the American electorial process created
some complications. The agenda, therefore, had to be flexible
enough to adjust to the political tides.
The agenda, however, is complex and vast. Politically dismantling
the Cuban exiles was not enough. It was also necessary to demoralize
and divide it, emotionally blackmail it, and change its face,
its nature. It was not enough to take out from it its political
influence; it was also necessary to break it down until make
To do that they were somehow successful in creating the idea
of a small gang formed out of allies of the Batista dictatorship,
informers, buddies, and businessmen together under phantom "organizations"
in order to crete a credible umbrella of Cuban organizations
allegedly representing important segments of the Cuban community
in the U.S. Then, they give them respectability, opened their
doors to Washington, and even accepted their political contributions.
They did the same with the small groups of Cubans who, though
opposed to Castro, always favored the dialog and the transition
presided by the Despot.
They created concentration camps for the victims. In conjunction
with the Tyrant they developed the ominous Migratory Pact, and
carried it out against all odds. They negotiated it behind the
backs of their own diplomats. They violated their own rules in
order carry it out. Did they add some secret parts to it? There
are no reasons to doubt it.
The poor guys intercepted in the high seas while escaping
the Island are given a mockery of interview on board a U.S. Coast
Guard vessel, without witnesses or lawyers. Then an official
of the INS orders to bring them back into the hands of the Ministerio
del Interior, an organization qualified as "criminal"
in Geneva. Even the semantics has changed. From "Cubans
looking for freedom" they have turned into "illegals."
The "technicians" have no limits in their gross lack
Through this travesty they made a daily "acceptable"
occurrence the collaboration of the Cuban and American authorities
not only in the field of narcotics trafficking (a risible fact),
but also in the political field to persecute anti-castro Cubans
involved in the violent, armed overthrowing of the tyrant. They
allowed Officials of the Castro government to participate as
witnesses in American tribunals. They allowed them to provide
criminal records of Cubans--criminal records manufactured by
the Ministerio del Interior itself.
They changed the requirements for Cubans trying to emigrate
to the U.S. From then on, ex-political prisoners, dissidents,
persecuted, would not be allowed to emigrate. Now the participants
on a political lottery for visas would be "professional
technicians," which means people actually working for the
Castro government. These twenty thousand-a-year new Cuban immigrants
changed in a few years the physiognomy of the Cuban exile community.
After that, cultural exchanges would fill Miami of a mixture
of academics, painters, musicians . . . and officers of the Castroist
intelligence services. According to this policy it became easier
to immigrate to the U.S. to a privileged of the Castro nomenklatura
than to a young opponent whose right to receive higher education
was denied because of his political views.
The Clinton-Gore agenda, however, had two obstacles to overcome:
the embargo and the radio and tv transmissions to Cuba, both
created by the U.S. Congress and out of their control. And they
worked hard to destroy both of them, because they had to comply
with the Tyrant's request to destroy or neutralize them. Therefore,
they devoted themselves to the task of neutralizing by all available
means these two tools of the American policy, the result of the
exile's influence, who acted as an obstacle to their efforts
to temporize with and get closer to Castro's Cuba.
So, they gave the necessary steps to de facto eliminate the
embargo. They were successfull in fighting their political battles
and managed to, if not totally eliminate the embargo, to weaken
it. Measure after measure, with calibrated steps, they have gradually
diminishing its efectivity. The so-called "Gore Commission,"
was another of their maneuvers whose only goal was to help accomplishing
their agenda. Currently the Gore Commission seems to have vanished,
but it will only be a matter of time since it will reappear under
a different disguise.
At the same time they have kept advancing their job in dismantling
Radio Martí from the inside, finding the way to destroy
its professionalism and credibility to the point of ridicule
for a radio station that once was the most successful of all
foreign broadcast services of the U.S. government. As a matter
of fact, TeleMartí (Radio Martí's tv counterpart)
stopped broadcasting since las September when it antenna-blimp
was destroyed by high winds and has not been replaced yet.
The Clinton-Gore "technicians" have been working
harder in removing both "sources of irritation" for
the Castro government. They are convinced that the groundwork
is ready. Though they think that their secret plans for resuming
relations with Castro and neutralizing the Cuba exile community
may not be accomplished during the remaining time of Clinton
in power, President Gore will sure finish it. So they think.
However, it would be advisable that some of those individuals
of Cuban origin who are helping them, may explain the "technicians"
the historical context which made famous a Cuban saying, used
to characterize the Cuban patriots: "Perro huevero .
. . aunque le quemen el hocico." (You can't teach an
old dog new tricks) And maybe, why not, they could learn its